On May 7, Rev. John I. Jenkins, C.S.C., president of the University of Notre Dame, gave the commencement address to the 2012 graduates of Wesley Theological Seminary. Speaking at Washington National Cathedral, Fr. Jenkins presented a message about the state of national discourse that goes straight to the heart of peacebuilding. This is the full text of his speech (emphases are mine).

Commencement is always a joyful time, and I find your graduation today especially inspiring. There is no law of motion in the physical universe that guaranteed that you would end up where you are today. More likely, the many demands of life were pushing you in other directions, and you pushed back. Even if the Spirit called you here, the world did not make it easy to arrive.

You fought your way here out of conviction born of faith.

Conviction. It is indispensable to every good deed. It defies the forces of inertia — the prevailing winds and currents that fight to keep everything the way it is, or worse. Without conviction, there would be no hope.

Conviction, however, is not all good. It can easily be corrupted by pride and greed and lead to hatred and division.

Last year, here in Washington, D.C., our elected officials nearly shut down the government in April, nearly defaulted on the debt in August, nearly shut down the government over disaster relief in September, failed to reach an accord for debt reduction in November, and forced another showdown over the payroll tax in December.

These stalemates proved that our political leaders don’t suffer from a lack of conviction. But in many cases, they expressed their conviction as would a bitter couple seeking a divorce, using all manner of coercion to get the best deal — dismissive of the misery their hatred would create in their own lives, and the injury it would cause in the lives of the children.

Yet, we cannot responsibly blame this on politicians. The hostility they expressed did not originate with them. We in this country are in the midst of a social crisis, a harsh and deepening split between groups that are all too ready to see evil in each other. Each side has never been more eager yet more unable to dominate the other. Both sides call for change, but each believes it’s the other side that must change.

We cannot pretend to stand outside this. We are woven into it.

We the People are exhibiting the human tendency that James Madison warned of in 1787, in Federalist No. 10.  And I quote: “A zeal for different opinions concerning religion, concerning government, and many other points … have … divided mankind into parties, inflamed them with mutual animosity, and rendered them much more disposed to vex and oppress each other than to co-operate for their common good.”

Two hundred and twenty-five years later, we are like actors following the script for creating factions:  Develop strong convictions. Group up with like-minded people. Shun the others. Play the victim. Blame the enemy. Stoke grievance. Never compromise.

At a time of expanding diversity of people and moral opinions — when we need more skill and wisdom in engaging those with other views — we seem to be less skillful, less wise.

So of all the questions posed in this campaign season — the most important one is rarely asked.  Now, when the country is increasingly diverse, when the number of disputed moral questions is rising, when citizens have deep and opposing passions that neither side will give up for the sake of civility — Can citizens of the United States learn to express their convictions in more skillful, more respectful ways?

We need an answer.

A country whose citizens treat one another with scorn does not have a bright future.

**

Many of you chose to come to a seminary in Washington D.C. because you wanted to engage the world, live your faith, and learn how it can make an impact.

I believe your faith can have a transforming effect on the world.

Of all the graduates entering the wider world this spring, you here today, more than others, have the responsibility, and the training, and the commitment to address the most urgent, most strategic challenge in the country today — the challenge of reducing hatred and promoting love.

This is your calling.  It is the most urgent call of our times.

“For this is the message you have heard from the beginning:  love one another,” says the First Letter of John.  And this command to love is found not only in Scripture, but in our hearts.  Love is the deepest human need.  Each human being has a deep spiritual, psychological, emotional longing for love. And not to get it injures us deeply.

Love is the greatest commandment — and hatred is at the heart of the greatest sins. Hatred is the great destroyer — the great divider. Hatred is more dangerous to us than any other threat, because it attacks the immune system of our society — our ability to see danger, come together and take action.

Hatred poisons everything.

Yet we seem not to see the danger. As Augustine wrote in his Confessions, “It is strange that we should not realize that no enemy could be more dangerous to us than the hatred with which we hate him.”

If we can help solve the problem of hatred, we have a chance to come together and solve all the others.

Now, I would rather not admit any special intimacy with hatred. I would like to say that I am familiar with it only from hearing confessions and reading books.  I must confess, however, that much of what I know of hatred comes from examining the temptations in my own heart. So here are some personal observations.

First, we cannot directly reduce anyone else’s hatred. If we were capable of reducing the hatred of others, we would already have done it. Most everyone would prefer there were less hatred in the world, yet there seems to be more — which is indirect proof that no one apparently wants to give up any of their own.

Second, if we’re going to do battle with hatred, we have to accept for practical purposes that hatred is not out there. It is in here — ready to rise in disguise inside of us, posing as virtue, sowing destruction.

Third, to avail itself of the most effective disguise, hatred often hides in self-righteous conviction — where it can be seen as driving the effort toward a noble goal. This is why hatred is so hard to see. It can hide from our conscience by entangling itself in our most noble beliefs.

Let me offer an illustration.

In 2009, a member of the Armed Forces was charged in a plot to commit murder. He had created a plan he called “Operation Patriot,” complete with maps and photographs. In papers recovered by law enforcement, he had written that — because he had taken an oath to protect the country against all enemies foreign and domestic — he was obliged to honor that oath by killing the President of the United States.

That young man fell prey to self-deception. He believed he was driven by a noble desire to protect the country, when in fact he was driven by deep hatred in the guise of patriotism.

To spare ourselves the same form of deceit, we have to call on our conscience to explore our convictions and how we express them. Even in the case of my most noble belief, I must ask myself: am I trying to advance this belief through persuasion or coercion, with respect or contempt, by accepting sacrifice or imposing sacrifice? When I refuse to compromise, is it because I love a principle, or because I hate the people on the other side?

In 1749, after a series of riots in Ireland that included attacks on Methodists, John Wesley published an essay he titled Letter to a Roman Catholic.  He wrote:

“Are you not fully convinced that malice, hatred, revenge, bitterness, whether in us or in you, in our hearts or yours, are an abomination to the Lord? Be our opinions right, or be they wrong these tempers are undeniably wrong. They are the broad road that leads to destruction.”

This Roman Catholic has received John Wesley’s letter, and I am fully convinced of the manifest truth grounded in the Gospel that it proclaims.

If we are committed to reducing hatred in the world, then the way we engage one another in public debate is not a means to an end; the means are the ends.

And if we are determined to keep our convictions free of malice, then I propose that we strive to meet one simple test for public discourse: Our attempts to express our convictions should take the form of an effort to persuade.

If I am confident in my beliefs, and I have love and good will for the other side, then it would be my duty to try to persuade them. And if I want to persuade them, then how can I vilify them? People are not persuaded by those who attack their character.

But if I don’t try to persuade them, but only condemn them, then I am not showing the respect that love demands. To stand apart, proclaim my position, and refuse to talk except to judge, does not reduce hatred or promote love. And if it does neither, how can it be inspired by God?

The moment I venture into tone and language that is unlikely to persuade, it can be a signal that I have left the sphere of respectful discourse. Once I do that, my odds plunge of winning over another, and the chances rise that I am expressing hatred — which will lead to factions and fracture the common good. With the common good fractured, any individual good becomes a very fragile hope indeed.

The danger is all around us now. Hatred is rising, yet all sides feel more virtuous. We’re asleep to the threat. We can have the most sophisticated Constitution, a brilliant system of checks and balances, and a Bill of Rights to safeguard against the tyranny of the majority — yet none of it can stand against the power of hatred. It can all be thrown down.

**

As you set out in your ministry, I ask you to affirm again the noble beliefs that led you here, and advance those beliefs in ways that strike a moral contrast with the dominant culture of discourse in the country today. If you do this, you will set a new standard for moral conviction in the 21st century — one that will offer hope for reconciling two great human needs: our longing to give full expression to our most passionate convictions and the need for a national unity that can survive the diversity of our views.

Let me close with a story well known to all of you.

Driven by the desire to “bring good news to the poor, to proclaim release to the captives, to recover sight to the blind, to let the oppressed go free,” Wesley Seminary began planning a new campus in downtown Washington DC, right at the intersection of Poverty and Power.

In late 2008, the votes had been taken, the plans were set, the shovels were ready … and the financial crisis struck. Investment houses vanished. The stock market was losing half its value. Universities saw their endowments plunge and their donors step back.

President McAllister-Wilson, the board, the faculty of Wesley had one last chance to turn back. They conferred. They prayed. They pondered the wisdom of giving up the seminary’s financial security in stern economic times. But ultimately, they asked one another: “Does the world now need our witness and service less … or more?”

And so the seminary that taught you and steeped you in the theology and practice of passionate Christianity pushed ahead — as the whole world pulled back.

Could there be any better inspiration for your ministry?

Go now — become worthy sons and daughters of your seminary. Inspired by its example, go preach love, stand fast against the momentum of your times, and renew the face of the earth.

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Who Are the Fellows of the Kroc Institute?

by joanfallon on January 3, 2012

Kroc faculty fellows photo

Three (out of more than 50) of the Kroc Institute's faculty fellows: Mark Cummings (psychology), Emilia Justyna Powell (political science), and Dan Lindley (political science).

Just to keep things interesting, there are two kinds of ‘fellows’ at the Kroc Institute:  Faculty Fellows and Visiting Research Fellows.

Faculty Fellows

The Kroc Institute’s more than 50 faculty fellows are professors throughout the University of Notre Dame who are invited by the Kroc Institute director to serve as fellows because their expertise relates to peace, violent conflict, human rights, justice, ethics, development, security, or a related issue. (Unlike the Kroc core faculty, whose appointment is to the Kroc Institute, fellows are appointed to the Departments of Political Science, History, Sociology, Theology, etc.)

While working primarily from their own departments, the fellows add significant interdisciplinary academic strength to the Kroc Institute. Many teach courses that are part of the peace studies curriculum; contribute to Kroc research and policy studies; serve on Kroc committees; and bring a wide range of perspectives to the work of the Institute. Faculty fellows (who are all teaching and research faculty) serve 3-year renewable terms as fellows and can apply for Kroc Institute grants for peace-related research.

Visiting Research Fellows

True to their name, the Kroc Institute’s Visiting Research Fellows are scholars from other universities who “visit” the Kroc Institute for up to a year to work full-time on one of the Kroc Institute’s research priorities.

Several dozen scholars apply to the program each year (the deadline is December 15, by the way). Typically, 4 or 5 are invited to the Kroc Institute and are provided financial support for the period in which they are in residence.

Given time away from their other academic obligations, encouragement to focus on critical research questions, and the opportunity to engage with other leading peace scholars, the Kroc Institute’s visiting fellows are able to be highly productive and make significant contributions to peace research.

Meet this year’s Visiting Research Fellows at the Kroc Institute.

 

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Who Are the Faculty of the Kroc Institute?

November 21, 2011

I named this blog 24 Peace Scholars for a reason — I get more questions about faculty than about any other issue. Who are “the faculty” of Notre Dame’s Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, and what do they do? Like an interdisciplinary school within a university, the Kroc Institute has “core” faculty — about [...]

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Director’s Report: Kroc in Washington and New York

November 17, 2011

Kroc Institute director Scott Appleby recently returned from meetings and conferences at Georgetown University, the United States Institute of Peace, and New York University, including some related to Contending Modernities and some more generally to the Kroc Institute’s research program on Religion and Conflict. He reflects on two standout events. On Thursday, November 10, I [...]

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Comments on Nobel Peace Prize Winners

October 7, 2011

Peter Wallensteen, a research professor at the Kroc Institute and a peace researcher from Uppsala University in Sweden, shares his thoughts on the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize winners, announced today: This year’s Nobel Peace Prize, awarded to three women, is most welcome. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf (Liberia) is Africa’s first democratically elected female president. She has led [...]

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Remembering Dag Hammarskjöld, Reflection #2

September 16, 2011

Sunday, September 18 marks 50 years since the death of Swedish diplomat Dag Hammarskjöld, the only U.N. Secretary General to die while in office and the only person ever to receive a Nobel Peace Prize posthumously. Hammarskjöld was killed in an airplane crash in Zambia en route to cease-fire negotiations. Here, Kroc professor Bob Johansen [...]

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Remembering Dag Hammarskjöld

September 16, 2011

  Sunday, September 18 marks 50 years since the death of Swedish diplomat Dag Hammarskjöld, the only U.N. Secretary General to die while in office and the only person ever to receive a Nobel Peace Prize posthumously. Hammarskjöld was killed in an airplane crash in Zambia en route to cease-fire negotiations. Here, Kroc professor Peter Wallensteen, [...]

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Waleed Al-Ansary on “smart power” in the Arab world

September 12, 2011

Guest post by Waleed El-Ansary, University Chair of Islamic Studies, Xavier University in Cincinnati. El-Ansary addressed faculty, students, and members of the public at a Kroc Institute event last Friday (Sept. 9) marking the 10th anniversary of 9/11. He is the author of The Spiritual Significance of Jihad in the Islamic Approach to Markets and [...]

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Robin Wright on the Arab world and U.S. foreign policy

September 12, 2011

Guest post by Robin Wright, Middle East journalist and foreign policy analyst. Wright addressed faculty, students, and members of the public at a Kroc Institute event last Friday (Sept. 9) marking the 10th anniversary of 9/11. She is the author of Dreams and Shadows: The Future of the Middle East and Rock the Casbah: Rage and [...]

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Andrew Bacevich: The impact of the post-9/11 decade on the American way of war

September 12, 2011

Guest post by Andrew Bacevich, professor of international relations and history, Boston University. Bacevich addressed faculty, students, and members of the public at a Kroc Institute event last Friday (Sept. 9) marking the 10th anniversary of 9/11. He is a career officer (retired) in the U.S. Army and the author of, most recently, The Limits [...]

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